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Rai pride


I must make a confession:
dear friends, boys, men of hair, is not enough for your commitment, sweat, testosterone paid to combat this weakness ... in the end we are I also fell: I saw Brokeback Mountain.
not judge me, I accepted the risk of being infected just for my uncontrollable passion for cinema that offense right now, I finally forced them to close the gap.
When I have not experienced any side effects. My pants have not yet tested their resilience in the face of a calf from kicker, let alone in front of the chest of the first Bruce Willis television, and if now, I can still boast of virginity of all my orifices I owe it to the more orthodox and total respect for the status that we all have signed Studs at birth. But I asked myself, I would still

saved by RAI MOVIE frocitudine if he had forwarded the full version? If he had not cut the kissing scene and effusions from ricchione I would have kept the integrity of Italian male?
I wonder why do not I right about that decision by a television channel devoted exclusively to film and television that promotes itself as the exhibition of the Venice Film Festival. What justifies the child cut a few scenes where innocent not the fact that they are homosexual love?
do not understand why if you see some 'Lino Banfi (utmost respect) that looks through the keyhole that if Gloria Guida lathers the potato is deemed objectionable and a kiss between two men. I do not understand why Scarlett Signorini can give advice rather than from morning to night for Italian families would be eligible but not see them kiss ... ok now it's clear to me, I did not read the link.

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The ballet

"We're not British. But this does not justify the ballet - the majority, opposition, President of the Republic - that we go on stage whenever a crisis of government, "wrote Peter Ostellino few weeks ago on Corriere della Sera. He added: "Nor shall perform media are rooting for the parties to the conflict and pull the President of the Republic for his coat, pretending to defend the prerogatives or to discuss it." In short, says Ostellino 'institutions hold water on all sides. If they are not adapting to the "spirit of time" the state machine goes out of laps. "

What is the kernel of question is obvious: "Article 1 of the Constitution states:" Sovereignty belongs to the people and is exercised in the manner and within the limits of the Constitution. " It is not up to the elected by the people, who have only the exercise, put limits on popular sovereignty. What procedures should not be an obstacle, but its full realization. The subject is the sovereignty, not the forms and limits within which the people exercise it. " Ostellino says: "This is what Constantine had this death - the great constitutionalist who had put in a beautiful calligraphy paper messy - when talking about practice (what we today call improperly" material constitution "). That he intended as opposed to "formal constitution, but in its integration."

the reality of things, the Stresses notista, the trouble comes from the fact that "our institutional system of constitutional monarchy is a parody of the nineteenth century, when King had the last word and representative democracy was in its infancy. The part of the King is the President of the Republic in a political context that is not the same in which the monarchy. But his "prerogatives", as such, they end up having an even wider margin of appreciation of the "powers" codified the sovereign. " Ostellino explains: "First of all, the king was considered" above the parties ", although Then, it was not at all. Not so with the president. By the mere fact that they belonged to a political party, who has stated and voted, he is inevitably perceived as a "party man". Moreover, biased, and not infrequently they have been - more or less explicitly - all tenants of the Quirinal. Secondly, its very function is to "filter" of the legislative process - referring to the holding room bills for breach of constitutionality - ends up being perceived, rather than a guarantee, an undue interference in the work of government and independence of the Parliament itself. "

notista of The Courier compare our with the British system, where "no one would suggest that the conspiracy against the queen's first minister in charge." Among the many differences that are listed, there is also the one in England is the prime minister who decides whether the country still enjoys the consensus that has lost in Parliament, to dissolve the Chambers and call new elections. "Who, for us, has proposed such an institutional system has been accused of fascism by the custodians of the (very poor) sacred knowledge 'is the net Ostellino comment, adding:" The newspapers supporters of the center - who is afraid of losing them - are against any early elections for a parliamentary majority and an alternative to Output from the polls. Too bad that the same view when not in play is a different government, acceptable to them. They say the pure parliamentary system, without a binding mandate, it would be a guarantee for the independence of the parliamentary party than oligarchies. Too bad the reality is the opposite. Article 67 of the Constitution - "Every member of Parliament represents the Nation and carries out his duties without a binding mandate" - deprives the people of its sovereignty, as it entrusts the operation at the discretion of their representatives, giving an institutional character elitist, oligarchic, and authoritarian-change in representative democracy so understood. " Very true. But the article

of Ostellino contains an illuminating passage on the events of the past month and a half, concerning the conduct of Mr institutional. Fini. Ostellino writes: "In Anglo-Saxon institutional systems, who presides over the work of a branch of Parliament is the Speaker . His is a "work" - His or her job , he says of his role - which is to give voice to those who ask. It is quite unthinkable that will be in competition with the prime minister, build a separate parliamentary group and promotes its "political" than those of the government. If Speaker of British House of Commons he did, nobody would ask for his resignation. Would end up in a mental hospital. " According to the notista

Courier, "to defend the existing institutional system were the followers of political and social elites fundamentally hostile to liberal democracy. People believe that democracy should not be "government of the people" - even if exercised by their representatives - but the Republic of Plato's philosophy, the ethical status of Hegel, the "general will" of Rousseau, the "vanguard of the proletariat, Marxist Leninist. And reaction, senile disease of liberalism. "

Another piece of the article by Piero Ostellino be collected to demonstrate the absurdity in the center of a political attitude propagated from above and accepted by based militant uncritically. Ostellino says: "I had always thought that the (only) way to change governments without bloodshed were, in democracy, free elections. But it seems that many do not think so. My readers want to drive on the left (...) Berlusconi, but also add they do not want to vote. Count, if the government falls, the President of the Republic does not mean new elections and are confident in the "rigging" the parliamentary opposition. A peculiar case of abdication of its sovereignty. " Really! But Ostellino goes down even harder to reason: "I wonder if, at this rate, will not come to the abolition of elections when there was the prospect of a win are "Others". " You just turn a bit 'in the streets of small villages where the patrolling party, to understand that this will not put us two minutes to take shape, perhaps even for the local authorities.

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and Padania Terroni

Speaking

Mr. Gianfranco Fini and the latest events that have rocked Italian politics, one can not pretend that the story of the house of Monaco does not exist, maybe not so much the fact itself, which if confirmed would be nothing but a bad business of many of our politicians as for the way it was and is still in an interview Tuesday in Mentone, run. Particularly disdainful toward the sovereignty of the people of which one stands as a bulwark, it has every right to have a word from those who voted not clear immediately and indefinitely for the Judiciary. You can not pretend it does not exist, but close it there with the words of Luciano Sardelli, a member of the South that we interview in almost a month ago, issued Il Giornale, succinctly summarized: "No. Did not clarify anything at all. The story does water start to finish. It sold an apartment in Monaco, but is sold to an offshore company. who is behind this company? And how come the price is so low? And why refuse An offer much more attractive? And then I do not think that Fini did not know anything about the final destination of the house. We live in-law and he falls from the clouds. Embarrassing. " A situation "more serious than that which led to the resignation Scajola Home at the Coliseum. Here there is far more complex, "adds Pilcher, who in 1996 was deployed to counter Tatarella Pinuccio by Massimo D'Alema nell'inespugnabile Gallipoli and we went close with 45 percent of the vote.

The evocation of the South Member of We is not the case, especially for a sentence of the interview, "Fini does not represent us any more," that if you have a reference in the context of its institutional role, it can, given the political overtones of 'Mr Pilcher, offer the opportunity for a wider extension, so to speak, territorial. In the speech of Mirabello, read it carefully, it is clear that Fini itself as the leader of a sort of league as opposed to South Bossi. The rest already, so to speak, in very difficult times, in early August, Gaetano Quagliarella, vice president of PDL senators, in an interview with Il Sole 24 Ore , pointed out the obvious: "It is clear that an independent center will configured as part of the South because the electorate there is more mobile, therefore, is a ground of challenge that is worth a lot. And they will try to crush the positions of the League for credit as the new partners, in the name of national unity. " Quagliarella then declared the will of the PDL not to be the sacrificial victim of the whole affair, "But we will not snatch this battle. Only the PDL has a national identity, "and listed the difficulties of the battle:" Of course, we calibrate the right to request a public opinion of the North, impatient to an abuse of public spending, with a change in the South but not you can do with a magic wand: used as a social safety net spending, has often transformed into rights that is difficult to eliminate. We will have to work on contractual policies territorial tax advantages. "

A design, as feared, now in the sunlight. South against North, the Troika Fini-Bossi Rutelli-Casini against the Berlusconi's corpse? Political fiction, even if it has the charm of a possible development. It will go to vote. When he speaks of covenant of term, Fini is not credible, the same tone of voice betrays him, Mirabella, from Mentone to Tg La7. He feels that it is fake, acted to make people believe that voted him as co-founder of the PDL, a "no want of respect, I am not the first who threw the stone." But if the vote, which most probably will, come out as a Senate that has sunk Prodi? The Freedom Party is the only truly national party of the boot and unifying. Dead, what will happen? We celebrate the hundred and fifty years of unity by returning to the borders the post-1943, removed from the Allied victory? Italy finally splitting in two? Padania and Terroni? So how is putting Fini, the sample without value of national unity, is a prospect that is materializing on the horizon, an impalpable mist that can suddenly become consistent. But certainly, let's say to calm, if you trust the people Italic, which shows to know how to "govern" a lot better than they do their politicians, you can sleep soundly, and classify such cases as mere fantasies.

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